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Saturday, November 3, 2018
The Midterm Elections Are a Referendum on Donald Trump
What is there left to know about Donald Trump? Robert Mueller,
various state officials, and a legion of reporters around the country
are dedicated to penetrating any stubborn mysteries that still linger,
yet who can argue that there is insufficient evidence to make a rational
judgment about the character of the man, the nature of his Presidency,
and theclimate he has done so much to create and befoul?
Last
week, with the midterm elections fast approaching, law-enforcement
agents pored over an accumulating pile of crude explosive devices that
had been sent to some of the President’s most prominent critics: Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton, Joe Biden, Eric Holder, Maxine Waters, George Soros, Robert De Niro, Tom Steyer, Cory Booker, Kamala Harris, and, at the CNN offices in New York, John Brennan and James Clapper.
A tinfoil-hat brigade of reactionaries immediately insisted that the
cunning “Democrat Party” had run a “false flag” plot designed to boost
its chances on Election Day. On Friday, near Fort Lauderdale, F.B.I.
officials arrested a suspect named Cesar Altieri Sayoc, a man in his
mid-fifties with an extensive criminal record. Officials also seized the
suspect’s van, which was plastered with pro-Trump stickers, as well as
one that read “CNN Sucks” and another that had a picture of Hillary
Clinton in the crosshairs of a gun.
Law
enforcement will continue to investigate the incident in the days
ahead. But what’s already clear is that it occurred at a moment of
tragic division and conspiracy-mongering generated, foremost and daily,
by the President of the United States. The right has no monopoly on
insult and incivility—the online universe can be a sewer of spite—but
there is no real equivalence: no modern President has adopted and
weaponized such malevolent rhetoric as a lingua franca.
Trump is a
masterful demagogue of the entertainment age. His instruments are
resentment, sarcasm, unbounded insult, casual mendacity, and the
swaggering assertion of dominance. From his desk in the Oval Office, on
Twitter, and at political rallies across the country, he spews poison
into the atmosphere. Trump is an agent of climate change, an unceasing
generator of toxic gas that raises the national temperature.
No
one suggests that he is a perpetrator, but pipe bombs as a tool of
political intimidation do not arrive unexpectedly. They come after the
President’s remarks on “birtherism,” Mexican “rapists,” and
Charlottesville; after “enemy of the people” and “Lock Her Up!” They
come after he has mocked the disabled and victims of sexual violence,
after he has praised many of the world’s autocrats and diminished
democratic allies. Violence, for him, is a source of titillation.
Recently, Trump rallied Montana Republicans by extolling their incumbent
congressman, Greg Gianforte—“He’s my guy”—not because Gianforte had
devised a piece of legislation for the common good but because he had
body-slammed a reporter to the ground. “This is actually exactly why my
father won,” Eric Trump said recently on Fox News. He is “un-P.C.,” not a
“perfectly scripted politician.”
To be unscripted implies a kind
of joyful spontaneity, but Trump’s ramblings always come laced with a
thread of malice. His outrages are not mistakes; they are deliberate and
a matter of pride. (“I know words. I have the best words.”) Speaking in
the Oval Office last week, he riffed weirdly, yet furiously, about the
great “caravan” of migrants—potential terrorists!—surging ever closer
toward the American frontier. “Over the course of the year, over the
course of a number of years, they’ve intercepted many people from the
Middle East, they’ve intercepted ISIS, they’ve
intercepted all sorts of people, they’ve intercepted good ones and bad
ones, they’ve intercepted wonderful people from the Middle East and
they’ve intercepted bad ones. They’ve intercepted wonderful people from
South America and from other parts further south.”
At a rally in
Wisconsin, on Wednesday, the President reacted to the news of the
multiple bombs with a barely perfunctory call for a “civil tone.” Of
course, he didn’t mean it, not remotely. He made it plain that civility
is for suckers, a joke. “By the way, do you see how nice I’m behaving
tonight?” he said, with a smirk. “Have you ever seen this? We’re all
behaving very well.” The next morning, in a characteristically brazen
tweet, Trump amped up the toxicity. A bomb had been sent to a media
outlet. The fault was the media’s. “A very big part of the Anger we see
today in our society is caused by the purposely false and inaccurate
reporting of the Mainstream Media that I refer to as Fake News,” he
wrote. “Mainstream Media must clean up its act, FAST!” At 3 A.M. on Friday, he tweeted his fury at CNN.
When
the leaders of the Republican Party first acquainted themselves with
Trump’s rhetoric and character a few years ago, many of them were
appalled. Ted Cruz, after hearing Trump insult his wife’s appearance and
insinuate that his father bore some responsibility for the
assassination of John F. Kennedy, called his rival a “pathological
liar,” a “snivelling coward.” But, after Cruz became one more casualty
of the 2016 Republican primaries, and reckoned that he could not hold
his Senate seat while attacking Trump, he, like almost every other light
of the “party of Lincoln,” capitulated. The G.O.P. is now Ted Cruz writ
large, a political party that has debased itself in the image of its
standard-bearer.
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